Uden lederskab og voldlig = bandeoptøjer ikke en politisk bevægelse
The grassroots movement, organized through social media and without real leadership, has led to two weeks of sporadic and mostly peaceful blockades of roads, fuel depots and warehouses. A protest Saturday in Paris exploded into violence that left over 100 injured and more than 400 arrested, as well as burned cars and looted stores in the heart of the capital.
De er ikke kernevælger, hvis de overhovedet stemmer.
“This is a movement that holds all institutions and the establishment in disdain,” Boulouque said. “They aren’t going to vote for parties whom they hold responsible for the past 30 years.”
Most Yellow Vests supporters will split their votes between Le Pen’s National Rally and Jean-Luc Melenchon’s far-left France Unbowed, Boulouque said. Together, they received 41 percent of the vote in the first round of presidential voting in 2017.
Sammenlign med effekten af Mitterrands forsøg på øget statskontrol med katolske skoler i 1984.
En halv til en hel million velorganiseret demonstranter blot i Paris. Fredelige middelklassefolk der stemmer ved valg. Målet var klart den ny lov skulle droppes. Folket vandt. Det tog to stordemonstrationer.
- lederskab, mål, disciplin og antal.
According to police figures, 650,000 people took to the streets in Versailles, a suburb of Paris, protesting the legislation (according to the organizers, 800,000 people protested). Most of the protesters were Parisians who had come to the demonstration via 125 trains and 4,000 buses that had been rented by the NCEE.
On 22 June 1984, more than 500,000 protesters marched to Versailles to protest the bill, conducting actions similar to those on the March 4 demonstration. Likewise, on 24 June, 850,000 demonstrators took to the streets in Paris, marching on the Plas de la Bastille. Protesters denounced the plan and the Socialist government, including Savary. Some young demonstrators reportedly threw rocks at policemen. Thirty-five people were arrested, according to police figures. The June 24 demonstration was one of the largest in France post-World War II.
Men der er osse grænser for sådanne demonstrationer. Hvis regeringen osse har store befolkningsgrupper i ryggen kan de stå fast. fx. civile ægteskab for homoseksuelle i Frankrig.
Igen store organiserede protester fra katolsk side, men uden effekt pga andre befolkningsgruppers støtte til politikken.
There is no other way to put it. The appeasement of the “Gilets Jaunes” (Yellow Vests) who for successive weekends took to the streets of Paris to protest a new fuel tax is a major embarrassment. This act of capitulation will not help the divisions that pervade French society and may well backfire as it signals that aggressive, violent demonstration can effectively alter government policy.
Limp Bizkit sætter lyden til hvem det er Macron kyssede i røven.
As I’ve written elsewhere, officials at first misjudged the nature of so-called Yellow Jacket protests and used the wrong security strategy. The police at first assumed the Yellow Jackets would conform to France’s customs and unwritten rules. These rules emerge from the central event of modern history: France was born in a violent revolution. The French view themselves as children of the Revolution. France does not merely tolerate street protests: It valorizes them. They are widely seen as legitimate by virtue of their existence. If a complaint is serious enough to cause so many people to get off their asses and take to the streets, it is, by definition, to be taken seriously. No one in France—and certainly not a French President—could possibly forget how sinister the lyrics of the French national anthem really are.
According to France’s unwritten rules, protesting is not only a right, but a critical aspect of what it means to be French. The state must protect and facilitate the exercise of this right. In exchange, protesters must be civilized, and they must accept the authority of the state by, for example, coordinating their protest routes with the police. Broken windows, flaming cars, looted shops, and the desecration of the Arc de Triomphe attest to the rugged contingent of Yellow Jackets who have no interest in these or any other rules. Those committing the violence are the minority, but they are numerous enough to do enormous damage: On Monday, the Bank of France slashed its fourth quarter growth forecast in half.
The casseurs, as the French call them, comprise both opportunistic vandals—men who commit violence simply because they think no one will stop them—and ideologues who seek to tear down France’s entire political and economic structure and see violence itself as purifying and exhilarating. Both are intolerable in a democratic society.
On the face of it, France has no shortage of police manpower. To maintain security in peacetime, the United Nations recommends a ratio of 2.2 policemen per 1,000 citizens. According to Eurostat’s most recent statistics, France has 3.26 police per 1,000 citizens, slightly less than Spain (3.61) and slightly more than Germany (2.97). The police have modern equipment and training. France is a leading manufacturer and exporter of high-quality police gear. Its police forces are in regular contact with their counterparts in Europe and the United States. Occasionally, they visit and train with them. So why have they been unable to control the violence?
Because the police-to-citizen ratio is misleading. First, it doesn’t tell us to what’s going on locally. (If you double the number of cops in Los Angeles, for example, that doesn’t do anything for policing in New York.) Second, the word “police” means something different in every country. Third, it doesn’t tell us how many cops France needs. Finland has fewer than half the police per capita of France, but this doesn’t mean it’s twice as lawless as France. There is obviously some relationship between the numbers, but it’s not linear.
The right questions to ask are these: “How many teams of experienced cops who are trained in crowd and riot control can France deploy? Can they deploy in many cities at the same time? How many does it need to control violence in every region of France? How fast can they get where they’re needed?”
It’s possible that no more than 5,000 experienced gendarmes with training in riot control are truly free to deploy in France, especially because one out of five are permanently stationed in France’s overseas departments and territories.
The French police have been coping with this now for four weekends straight. They are exhausted. John Lichfield of the Local reported that, even before the riots, the police were owed one million hours of overtime. The police unions have been begging Macron to declare a state of emergency and call in the army.
There’s no obvious way to end this. If the protests don’t fizzle out by themselves, no one knows what to do. You can’t negotiate with the Yellow Jackets, because they have no leader. Macron has met all of their demands he could possibly meet. There’s no way to meet the rest, because they’re incoherent and contradictory. The jackals are waiting in the wings: Mélenchon and Le Pen have been egging the protests on. Even as Macron’s Interior Minister asked “reasonable” people to stay home last Saturday, trade unions loyal to Mélenchon offered to bus them into Paris. The heads of both extremist parties—which together took nearly 40 percent of the votes in the last presidential election—are calling for parliament to be dissolved. Neither have calculated the disaster that would come upon them were the other to win an election. When these people spot a chance to grasp the golden ring, they just lose their minds.
It seems to me that the police unions are right. State failure is not an option. If this continues, Macron will have to declare a State of Emergency and call in the army. It’s the only way to give these exhausted cops a chance to recover. They’re just too tired.
Sidst redigeret af Vymer : 16th December 2018 kl. 09:48 AM.